Ideological radicalisation

By M. Zaidi | From the NewspaperIT is necessary to clarify the associations of ideology with radicalisation at the outset, since the debate about ideology being the major construct of radicalisation rages on. Simplifying complex issues into binary opposites which create a visceral impact is a characteristic of ideologies, especially when they tend to articulate a set of grievances of one set of people against another.
This sort of simplification is also the predominant process within radicalisation. This is the contextual paradigm of ideology that resonates within paradigms of terrorism in Pakistan, wherein the terrorists have used a reductionist worldview to whittle down complex socio-economic, geo-strategic and political problems, into essentially a contest between good and evil.
Thus, there are hardly any grey areas for terrorists in Pakistan i.e. the fellow citizen not following the terrorist ideology is clearly a murtid, one who has turned away from the true faith as perceived by one school of thought or sect against the other.
Since ideologies present the perfect spatial parameter for the conflict to be resolved by the logical triumph of the perceived good over perceived evil, it is important to comprehend that ideology can be used and has been used as a potent tool fostering terrorism in Pakistan. Thus, terrorist attacks become justifiable through the ideology of the perpetrators.
The need for action which edifies the spirit and allows the ideology to grow has been a common theme within anarchism, fascism, communism, and for the purpose of this essay, radicalisation.
When there is a conducive environment which induces a sense of emasculation or despair, ideology can provide not only a source of solace, but an impetus for action for populations undergoing stresses. Thus, venting grievances through the platform of ideology whether it is jihadism or any other, has the potential of making the message resonate, going out to other persons undergoing similar stimuli.
Since an ideology is self-replicating, it will have the potential of attracting more converts. In essence, it is actually more powerful than the violent behaviour which it inculcates. In the Pakistani context, this means that extremist terrorist ideologies are an over-arching paradigm which drive and foster terrorism, and in many cases, radicalisation.
It also needs to be realised that a single variable is not always enough to radicalise individuals.
For example, religion as an ideology or set of ideologies is often unthinkingly invoked as the paramount disposing factor radicalising Pakistan, without taking into account the fact that issues of terrorism and extremism do not arise merely out of ideology. Rather, the problems that Pakistan is confronted with also arise from fundamental socio-economic and class inequalities, which have prompted a reaction amongst the have-nots to challenge the disproportionately affluent elite.
This has espoused, promoted and encouraged orthodox, rigid and fundamentalist versions of religion, as opposed to more tolerant, peaceful ones. As Pakistan redefined its identity by invoking the Arabic origin of Islam during the Afghan jihad days, the relatively more tolerant, syncretic and peaceful versions of the religion in South Asia have been replaced by harsh, literalist and bland versions of orthodox Islam amongst an extremist fringe.
This ideological trajectory allows young Pakistanis to go towards radicalisation, and adds support for militant agendas from among the Pakistani populace, particularly when there is high unemployment and income disparity. This income disparity has manifested itself in the ratio of the highest to lowest income quintiles ranging from 3.76 in 2001 to 4.15 in 2005, and further to 4.2 in 2005-06.
Since poorer households in Pakistan tend to have a higher number of children on average, especially in rural areas, it implies that an exceptionally large number of young men and women are being forced to live below or around the poverty line.
Furthermore, at least one-tenth of the rural community does not have access to even basic facilities, which adds stress to an already overburdened economy. The families are ultra poor. Their children seem destined for a grim future, particularly with regard to employment. The high level of under-employment for the young from the lower socio-economic classes causes an additional strain. The growing economy has increased the labour market and the unemployment rate has declined to around 5.32 per cent in recent years. This modest improvement cannot cope with the rapidly-expanding youth population.
This alienates the poor segment of the youth, since the majority of non-elite young men can only find menial, unfulfilling jobs. Since the richest 20 per cent of the population continue to grow richer, the sense of alienation among the poor young men is not surprising, and forces them to look for alternatives.
Radicalisation is one of the ways through which the poor and the dispossessed find a voice, since the path to radicalisation demands action to challenge the status quo, often in the form of violent activism. This violent action may become terrorism in its extreme manifestations, or smoulder within the non-elite youth in the form of extremism.
Thus, assuming radicalisation to be a process, and also assuming certain Pakistani demographic segments to be more vulnerable to it than others, one can draw up frameworks of how individuals in Pakistan tend to get radicalised, and then occupy these frameworks. Studying these trends is the need of the day, and is becoming more urgent with every passing moment.
The writer is a security analyst.